Country Comparison

United Kingdom vs Australia: GDP, Growth & Trajectory

Updated · World Bank WDI through 2024 · IMF WEO estimates through 2027

In 2024, United Kingdom's GDP stood at $3.67T versus Australia's $1.78T — a ratio of 2.06x.

Side-by-side, latest available year

Metric United Kingdom Australia Year
GDP (nominal) $3.67T $1.78T 2024
GDP (PPP) $4.29T $1.93T 2024
GDP per capita $52,947 $65,066 2024
GDP growth 1.11% 1.20% 2024
Population 69,226,000.00 27,196,812.00 2024
Inflation rate 2.90% 3.18% 2024

Source: World Bank WDI · IMF WEO. Values rendered from gi-engine source.db.

GDP, nominal USD · 1960–2024 actual · 2024–2027 IMF estimate (dashed)
$0$916B$1.8T$2.7T$3.7T1960198020002020$3.7T$1.8TUnited KingdomAustralia

Turning Point

In 2024, United Kingdom's GDP stood at $3.67T versus Australia's $1.78T — a ratio of 2.06x. That headline ratio has long defined the economic relationship between a former imperial centre and a far-flung settler economy. Yet beneath the aggregate weight the 21st century has delivered a quiet inversion. For the first sustained period in modern economic history, the smaller economy by output has generated a materially higher income per person — and held it for well over a decade. The year 2024 merely crystallises a pattern that began in the commodity-fuelled 2000s and was locked in by divergent growth paths after the global financial crisis, the UK's decision to leave the European Union, and Australia's deepening integration with Asian supply chains.

The single total-GDP ratio obscures what ordinary households experience. In 1960, when the UK was still a global manufacturing power and Australia still rode on the sheep's back, per-capita income in the two countries was close: $1,398 in the United Kingdom against $1,813 in Australia, giving the UK just 77 per cent of the Australian level. By 2000 the United Kingdom had vaulted ahead, its per-capita GDP of $28,361 outstripping Australia's $21,411 by 32 per cent. The turning point came in the 2000s. According to World Bank data, Australia's per-capita income overtook the UK's sometime after 2000 and by 2010 stood at $54,449 — fully 37 per cent higher than the UK's $39,710. By 2024 the absolute gap had widened further, with Australia's per-capita GDP at $65,066 and the United Kingdom's at $52,947, a ratio of 0.81x. Thus the post-2010 period represents a structural break: the United Kingdom remains a $3.67 trillion economy, but on a per-person basis Australia has moved permanently into a higher income bracket.

That break is not simply a resources story. It reflects a divergence in demographic momentum, terms of trade, industrial composition and macroeconomic policy. The United Kingdom's labour productivity growth decelerated sharply after 2007 and, according to the Office for National Statistics, never fully recovered the pre-crisis trend; Australia's multi-speed economy allowed a mining investment boom to raise national income even while the manufacturing sector contracted. The 2024 snapshot therefore captures the accumulated effect of two decades in which the UK's service-dominated, globally exposed economy grappled with banking crises, Brexit-related uncertainty and inflation shocks, while Australia's resources-intensive, Asia-facing economy rode a generational demand wave and then pivoted to services exports such as education and tourism.

The ratio of 2.06x in total output is likely to persist given the United Kingdom's population of 69.2 million compared with Australia's 27.2 million. The per-capita gap of 0.81x, however, challenges the longstanding assumption that a larger, more diversified economy necessarily delivers superior living standards. The following sections examine how the two economies stand now, the path that brought them to this juncture, and the structural forces that will shape the coming decade.

Current State

A comparative snapshot of the two economies in 2024 and early 2025 reveals a picture of moderate growth, contained but sticky inflation, and labour markets close to full employment. The United Kingdom's nominal GDP was $3.67 trillion (World Bank, 2024), representing the sixth-largest economy on Earth measured at market exchange rates. Australia's $1.78 trillion ranked fourteenth. In purchasing-power-parity terms the gap narrows, with UK PPP-adjusted GDP at $4.29 trillion versus $1.93 trillion in Australia — a ratio of 2.22x, largely reflecting the UK's lower price level for non-tradable goods and services.

Growth rates in 2024 were subdued by historical standards in both countries, albeit fractionally stronger in Australia. The UK grew 1.11 per cent (World Bank), Australia 1.20 per cent. Inflation, which peaked above 10 per cent in the UK and nearly 8 per cent in Australia during 2022-23, had retreated to 2.90 per cent and 3.18 per cent respectively by 2024. Unemployment figures for 2025, drawn from the IMF World Economic Outlook, show a UK rate of 4.75 per cent against Australia's 4.09 per cent — both below their long-term averages but with the UK figure edging up as slowing domestic demand feeds through to hiring. The labour-market contrast is starker when viewed through the prism of participation: while both countries enjoy high participation, Australia's younger age profile and a migration system skewed toward working-age adults have consistently given it a lower structural unemployment rate.

The most vivid contrasts, however, are in income and population scale. Australia's population of 27.2 million is only 39 per cent of the UK's 69.2 million, yet its GDP per capita of $65,066 exceeds the UK's $52,947 by $12,119. The PPP-adjusted per-capita figures — $70,731 for Australia versus $62,010 for the UK — shrink the dollar gap but still leave a premium of roughly 14 per cent in Australia's favour. Life expectancy, a proxy for health system quality and material wellbeing, runs at 83.05 years in Australia (2023, World Bank) versus 81.24 years in the United Kingdom. Australia's cost-of-living advantage has eroded somewhat in the past two years as housing costs in Sydney and Melbourne have soared, yet on a purchasing-power basis the typical Australian household still commands more final consumption than its British counterpart.

A small fact list underscores the asymmetry:

  • UK total GDP is 2.06 times Australia's, but UK population is 2.54 times larger (2024).
  • UK per-capita GDP is 81 per cent of Australia's (2024); on a PPP basis, 88 per cent.
  • In 2024 Australia's services sector contributed 66.14 per cent of GDP, the UK's 72.45 per cent.
  • Industry accounts for 25.53 per cent of Australian GDP versus 17.12 per cent in the UK.
  • Agriculture's share in Australia (2.04 per cent) is more than three times the UK's (0.64 per cent).
  • Both countries recorded inflation of roughly 3 per cent in 2024; Australia's unemployment in 2025 is projected to be 0.66 percentage points lower.

A comparative table capturing the most widely cited headline indicators follows.

IndicatorUnited Kingdom (2024)Australia (2024)UK/Australia Ratio
GDP (nominal USD)$3.67T$1.78T2.06x
GDP PPP (USD)$4.29T$1.93T2.22x
GDP per capita (USD)$52,947$65,0660.81x
GDP per capita PPP$62,010$70,7310.88x
Real GDP growth1.11%1.20%0.93x
Inflation (CPI)2.90%3.18%0.91x
Population69.2M27.2M2.54x
Unemployment (2025 proj.)4.75%4.09%1.16x
Life expectancy (2023)81.24 yrs83.05 yrs0.98x

These indicators confirm a simple picture: the United Kingdom is a much larger economy in aggregate, but Australia delivers materially higher average incomes, whether measured at market rates or after adjusting for the local cost of living. The growth and inflation numbers for 2024 suggest that neither economy is overheating; rather, both are settling into a post-pandemic "new normal" in which demographic and structural forces are reasserting themselves. The following historical section explains how this state of affairs came to be.

Historical Trajectory (1960-2024)

The six decades from 1960 to 2024 contain a full cycle of economic convergence and divergence between the two countries. In 1960 the UK's economy, still bearing the institutional legacy of empire and a large manufacturing base, produced $73.2 billion in nominal output, almost four times Australia's $18.6 billion. Per-person, however, the two nations were almost identical: the UK recorded $1,398, Australia $1,813, giving the British citizen roughly 77 per cent of the Australian standard of living. Both were high-income open economies, but the UK was still extracting itself from post-war debt overhangs and costly sterling-area obligations, while Australia was enjoying the tail end of a long wool-and-wheat boom supported by the post-war reconstruction of Europe and Japan.

By 1980, the nominal GDP gap had expanded again — $584.8 billion in the UK, $156.6 billion in Australia — a multiple of 3.73x. Yet per-capita income had almost completely converged: $10,383 in the UK and $10,615 in Australia, a ratio of 0.98. The 1970s stagflation, two oil shocks and the breakdown of the Bretton Woods system affected both economies severely, but the UK's heavy reliance on nationalised industries and powerful unions made its adjustment more protracted. Australia's exchange-rate and financial reforms of the early 1980s — floating the dollar in 1983, liberalising banking — set the stage for a more flexible response to global shocks, while the UK under the Thatcher government was simultaneously carrying out its own radical liberalisation. By the end of the decade the two economies were running neck-and-neck in living standards.

The 1990s mark the only extended period in which the UK consistently generated higher incomes than Australia. In 1990 the UK's GDP reached $1.15 trillion against Australia's $318.0 billion, a multiple of 3.62x. Per-capita GDP, at $20,004 for the UK and $18,576 for Australia, gave the British a 7.7 per cent advantage. A decade later, in 2000, that advantage had widened sharply: UK per-capita income of $28,361 was 32 per cent above Australia's $21,411. Several forces explain the shift. The UK enjoyed a sustained productivity boom, driven by financial-services liberalisation, the Single Market, and the macroeconomic stability provided by the early years of Bank of England independence. Australia, meanwhile, suffered a severe recession in 1990-91, and while the subsequent productivity acceleration was robust, it took until the early 2000s for incomes to stage a full catch-up.

The crossover arrived during the first decade of the 21st century. By 2010, the UK's nominal GDP stood at $2.49 trillion, Australia's at $1.20 trillion — the overall ratio had compressed to 2.08x, already hinting at Australia's faster growth. But the per-capita figures told a dramatic story: $39,710 in the UK versus $54,449 in Australia, an Australian premium of 37 per cent. The main driver was the commodity super-cycle, which saw the prices of iron ore, coal and natural gas — Australia's core export goods — hit historic highs on the back of Chinese urbanisation. The financial crisis of 2008-09 hit the UK severely, triggering a deep banking collapse and a prolonged fall in output per hour. Australia, by contrast, avoided a technical recession, aided by prompt fiscal and monetary stimulus and the continued strength of resource demand from East Asia.

The 2020 snapshot, taken in the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic, exposed both economies to severe but transitory shocks. The UK's GDP slipped to $2.71 trillion, and per-capita income fell to $40,522 — a level lower than in 2010 in real terms once inflation is stripped out. Australia's GDP of $1.35 trillion translated into $52,574 per person, still well ahead of the UK. By 2024, a robust nominal recovery had lifted the UK's GDP to $3.67 trillion and per-capita income to $52,947; Australia reached $1.78 trillion and $65,066 respectively. The total-output ratio tightened slightly to 2.06x, but the per-capita ratio had edged back up from its 2020 low of 0.77 to 0.81, suggesting that Australia's income advantage, though still large, had narrowed fractionally as the commodity cycle eased and UK nominal earnings rebounded in the aftermath of Brexit-related business adjustments.

A table of the historical snapshots makes the trajectory transparent.

YearUK GDP (nom. USD)UK GDP per capitaAustralia GDP (nom. USD)Australia GDP per capitaPer-capita ratio (UK/AUS)
1960$73.2B$1,398$18.6B$1,8130.77
1980$584.8B$10,383$156.6B$10,6150.98
1990$1.15T$20,004$318.0B$18,5761.08
2000$1.67T$28,361$408.6B$21,4111.32
2010$2.49T$39,710$1.20T$54,4490.73
2020$2.71T$40,522$1.35T$52,5740.77
2024$3.67T$52,947$1.78T$65,0660.81

What emerges is a clear sequence: a long post-war era of near-parity in living standards gave way to a 15-year period of UK per-capita superiority centred on the 1990s financialisation, only to be replaced after 2000 by an Australian income premium that has endured for two decades and counting. The 2024 per-capita ratio of 0.81 is higher than the 2010 nadir of 0.73, but it remains far below the levels recorded in the second half of the 20th century, suggesting that the underlying drivers of the divergence — resource demand, demographic trends and service-sector productivity dynamics — have not yet run their course.

Per Capita Reality

The per-capita narrative is central to how citizens experience the comparison between the two countries. In 2024 the United Kingdom's GDP per capita of $52,947 was $12,119 below Australia's $65,066, a shortfall of nearly 19 per cent. The gap has been remarkably persistent: since 2010 the UK has never recovered its pre-crisis relative standing. Even the modest improvement from the 2020 ratio of 0.77 to 0.81 by 2024 owes more to renewed pound sterling strength and a temporary ebb in commodity prices than to a structural closing of the productivity gap.

Adjusting for purchasing power softens the contrast but does not eliminate it. The UK's PPP-adjusted per-capita GDP in 2024 was $62,010, compared with Australia's $70,731. That leaves an Australian premium of roughly 14 per cent once the higher price of housing, transport and certain consumer goods in Australia is taken into account. The PPP ratio of 0.88 is significantly higher than the market-rate ratio of 0.81, indicating that Australia's nominal income advantage is partly absorbed by a higher cost of living, yet the residual gap remains meaningful: the typical Australian still has access to a larger real basket of goods and services than the typical Briton.

The living-standards divergence can be traced to two distinct sources. On the production side, Australia's labour productivity in mining, agriculture and utilities — measured as value-added per hour worked — is among the highest in the world, pulling up average incomes even though productivity in the non-tradable services sector is unexceptional. The UK, despite possessing world-leading financial and professional services, has suffered from a decade-long stagnation in productivity growth that the Office for National Statistics has described as a "lost decade". On the distribution side, Australia's terms of trade — the ratio of export to import prices — are estimated by the Reserve Bank of Australia to have added 10-15 per cent to gross national disposable income during the commodity super-cycle, a windfall that flowed through to wages, dividends and government revenues in ways that the UK, as a net importer of energy and raw materials, did not enjoy.

The per-capita reality also has a demographic dimension. Australia's population grew 41 per cent between 2000 and 2024, against 17 per cent in the UK, skewing Australia's labour force toward younger, frequently migrant workers who contribute immediately to output but whose presence also puts upward pressure on demand for housing and infrastructure. The UK's slower population growth has been accompanied by an ageing workforce and a rising old-age dependency ratio that, according to the OECD, is projected to weigh on trend per-capita growth through the 2030s. Thus the income advantage observed in 2024 is likely to persist, albeit with cyclical fluctuations tied to the global commodity cycle and sterling's exchange-rate gyrations.

Sector Composition

The structure of production underscores one of the fundamental reasons for the divergence in per-capita income. In 2024, agriculture represented just 0.64 per cent of the United Kingdom's GDP, whereas in Australia the primary sector accounted for 2.04 per cent — more than three times the UK share, despite both countries having small agricultural workforces by global standards. The difference reflects Australia's role as a major exporter of beef, wheat, wool and wine, as well as the sheer landmass and arid-zone grazing systems that support a large agribusiness sector. The UK, with a temperate climate and high population density, is largely self-sufficient in grains and dairy but has a far smaller export-oriented agricultural footprint.

Industry, which includes mining, manufacturing, construction and utilities, contributed 25.53 per cent of Australian GDP in 2024, against 17.12 per cent in the UK. This gap is almost entirely the result of mining and energy extraction. According to the Australian Bureau of Statistics, the mining sector alone routinely constitutes 10-12 per cent of GDP in boom years, and even after the 2010s investment phase it remains the single largest source of export revenue. The UK's industrial base is more concentrated in advanced manufacturing (aerospace, pharmaceuticals, automotive) and construction, with a much smaller extractive sector since the decline of North Sea oil production. The 8.4-percentage-point differential in industry share thus reflects a deep structural dissimilarity: Australia is a resource-intensive, capital-intensive economy, while the UK is a post-industrial service hub.

Services dominate both economies, yet the gap is telling. The United Kingdom's services sector generated 72.45 per cent of GDP in 2024, compared with 66.14 per cent in Australia. The UK's services are exceptionally weighted toward internationally traded financial, legal, consulting and higher-education services; London remains one of the world's two premier global financial centres. Australia's services, while also heavily oriented toward finance, education and tourism, include a large retail and domestic-oriented component that is less exposed to global price competition but also records lower productivity growth. The fact that the UK's services share exceeds Australia's by 6.3 percentage points, yet its per-capita income is lower, demonstrates that services are not a monolith: the UK's high-value-added service exports are concentrated in the City of London and a handful of other clusters, while large swathes of the domestic services sector exhibit modest productivity. The sectoral composition thus helps explain the apparently paradoxical coexistence of a larger, more service-oriented UK economy with a lower average income.

Trade Relationship Between the Two

Bilateral trade between the United Kingdom and Australia is modest in absolute terms compared with the volume each conducts with its immediate neighbours. The UK is historically Australia's fifth- or sixth-largest trading partner, while Australia ranks outside the UK's top ten export destinations. According to UN Comtrade data, two-way merchandise trade has hovered in the range of $20-25 billion annually in recent years, dominated by UK exports of motor vehicles, pharmaceutical products and machinery, and by Australian exports of wine, precious metals, meat and mineral ores. The services relationship is larger relative to goods, underpinned by education (Australian students in the UK and vice-versa), travel, and financial and business services, where both countries' firms operate across borders.

The entry into force of the UK-Australia Free Trade Agreement on 31 May 2023 marked a structural shift in the commercial framework. According to the UK Department for Business and Trade, the agreement eliminated tariffs on almost all goods, liberalised services trade in professional and financial sectors, and opened up procurement markets. Agriculture was a sensitive area: the UK offered phased tariff-free access for Australian beef, lamb and sugar, a concession that generated considerable debate in British farming regions. Early post-agreement data from the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade suggest a moderate uptick in Australian agricultural shipments to the UK, while UK services exporters have benefited from streamlined recognition of qualifications.

Both economies are far more dependent on extra-bilateral trade flows than on each other. The UK's largest trading relationships remain with the European Union and the United States; roughly half of its goods exports go to the EU, according to UK customs data. Australia's exports are overwhelmingly directed at China, Japan, South Korea and other East Asian economies, with iron ore, coal and natural gas alone accounting for more than 60 per cent of merchandise export revenue. Consequently, bilateral trade is a sideshow in the macroeconomic equation, but it functions as a useful barometer of the broader shift: as the UK reorients its trade policy after Brexit, Australia has emerged as one of the test cases for a "global Britain" strategy, just as Australia sees the UK as a complementary hub for its services exports and a gateway to European markets.

The trade relationship also reflects deeper supply-chain links. UK-based banks and insurers are deeply embedded in Australian infrastructure and mining finance; Australian superannuation funds are significant investors in UK commercial property and utilities. These financial ties, recorded in the capital account rather than the current account, often exceed visible trade in value terms. The Bank of England and the Australian Prudential Regulation Authority have both noted the high degree of integration in wholesale banking and reinsurance markets, which creates a channel through which financial shocks can propagate but also provides diversification benefits to investors on both sides.

Demographics & Future Outlook

Demography is the slow-moving undercurrent that will shape the relative economic size and per-capita trajectories through the 2030s. In 2024 the United Kingdom counted 69.2 million residents versus Australia's 27.2 million. The absolute gap of 42 million people gives the UK a domestic market scale that Australia cannot replicate, creating agglomeration advantages in services, research and creative industries. Yet the UK's population growth rate has been decelerating, and the Office for National Statistics projects that the natural increase — births minus deaths — will turn negative by the early 2030s, leaving net migration as the sole source of demographic expansion. Australia, by contrast, continues to run a deliberate high-migration programme; the Australian Bureau of Statistics recorded an annual net overseas migration of over 500,000 in the year to September 2023, and while numbers are expected to moderate, the medium-term trajectory is toward a population of roughly 30 million by the early 2030s.

The age-structure differences are stark. Australia's median age is approximately 38 years, compared with roughly 40 in the UK, and the old-age dependency ratio — the number of people aged 65+ per 100 people of working age — is lower. This gives Australia a demographic tailwind: a larger proportion of the population is in the labour force, supporting tax revenues and consumption, and the fiscal burden of pensions and healthcare is lighter relative to GDP. The UK Treasury's Long-Term Fiscal Sustainability Report, published in 2024, highlighted demographic pressures as one of the main drivers of rising public spending over the next two decades, while the Australian Government's Intergenerational Report projects a slower increase in age-related spending, partly because of the ongoing contribution of skilled migration.

Future economic output, as projected by the IMF World Economic Outlook (October 2024), rests on several assumptions. The UK's trend growth over the medium term is estimated at around 1.5-1.8 per cent, constrained by weak productivity growth, Brexit-related trade frictions and fiscal consolidation. Australia's medium-term growth potential is similarly assessed at 2.0-2.3 per cent, supported by population increase, renewable-energy investment and continued resource exports, though vulnerable to a sharp slowdown in China. Neither country is projected to return to the pre-2008 growth rates of 2.5-3.0 per cent. On a total-output basis, the UK will remain the larger economy, but the per-capita gap — 0.81x in 2024 — is likely to persist or even widen if commodity prices rally and Australian migration remains high. If the UK's productivity performance improves substantially, as envisioned by the 2023-24 "productivity agenda" of the current government, the ratio could converge back toward a value closer to unity, but such a reversal would require a break from the post-crisis trend that few international organisations consider likely in the near term.

Life expectancy, a summary indicator of social and healthcare outcomes, stood at 83.05 years in Australia in 2023 and 81.24 years in the UK, a gap of 1.81 years. While the gap has narrowed slightly from its peak during the pandemic, it remains a reminder that the economic advantages of Australia's higher per-capita income are reflected in better health metrics. In both countries, however, the demographic challenge is not primarily one of absolute size but of composition: how to maintain the labour-force dynamism that has historically driven productivity and income growth. For Australia, the answer will continue to be skilled migration; for the UK, it may lie in raising labour-force participation among older workers and improving educational outcomes in regions outside London and the South East. The demographic data for 2024 suggest that both economies are on diverging population trajectories that will reinforce the structural features described in the preceding sections.

FAQ

Is Australia richer than the United Kingdom?

On a per-person basis, Australia is richer. In 2024, Australia's GDP per capita was $65,066 versus $52,947 in the United Kingdom, giving Australia a 23 per cent advantage. Adjusted for purchasing power, the gap narrows to roughly 14 per cent, with Australia at $70,731 and the UK at $62,010. In total economic output, the UK's $3.67 trillion is more than twice Australia's $1.78 trillion because of its much larger population.

Why is Australia's GDP per capita higher than the UK's?

Australia benefits from two decades of high commodity prices, strong population growth driven by skilled migration, and a terms-of-trade boost that lifted national income. The UK's productivity growth has been stagnant since the 2007-08 financial crisis, and the prolonged uncertainty surrounding Brexit added to the drag. Australia's industrial structure, weighted toward mining and energy, has generated a higher share of capital-intensive, high-value-added output per worker.

How much larger is the UK economy than Australia's?

In 2024 the UK's nominal GDP was $3.67 trillion, compared with Australia's $1.78 trillion — a ratio of 2.06 times. On a purchasing-power-parity basis, the UK economy was $4.29 trillion, or 2.22 times Australia's $1.93 trillion.

What is the cost of living difference between the UK and Australia?

Australia generally has a higher cost of living, particularly for housing in major cities. This is reflected in the difference between market-rate and PPP-adjusted per-capita incomes. In 2024, the UK's nominal per-capita GDP was 81 per cent of Australia's, but the PPP-adjusted figure rose to 88 per cent, indicating that part of Australia's nominal advantage is eroded by higher prices for goods and services.

How do unemployment rates compare?

For 2025, the IMF projects UK unemployment at 4.75 per cent and Australia's at 4.09 per cent. Both figures represent relatively tight labour markets, but Australia's persistently lower rate is linked to its demographic profile and a migration programme that matches workers to labour shortages more rapidly.

Which country has the larger population?

The United Kingdom's population in 2024 stood at 69.2 million, compared with 27.2 million in Australia. The UK's population is approximately 2.54 times larger, providing a bigger domestic consumer market.

What are the main sectors driving each economy?

In 2024, services accounted for 72.45 per cent of UK GDP, with financial and professional services playing an outsized role. Australia's services contributed 66.14 per cent, while industry — principally mining, energy and construction — made up 25.53 per cent of GDP, versus 17.12 per cent in the UK. Agriculture's share was 2.04 per cent in Australia and 0.64 per cent in the UK.

Has Australia always had a higher GDP per capita than the UK?

No. In 1960, Australian per-capita income was slightly higher ($1,813 versus $1,398), but by the 1990s the UK had moved ahead and continued to lead through 2000 ($28,361 versus $21,411). The crossover occurred sometime in the early 2000s, and since 2010 Australia has maintained a substantial lead.

How did the pandemic affect the two economies?

Both economies contracted in 2020, but the UK experienced a deeper recession and a slower recovery in per-capita terms. The UK's per-capita GDP in 2020 was $40,522, nearly $12,000 below Australia's $52,574. By 2024 the gap had narrowed somewhat, but Australia's per-capita income remained 23 per cent higher.

What free trade agreement exists between the UK and Australia?

The UK-Australia Free Trade Agreement entered into force on 31 May 2023. It eliminates tariffs on the vast majority of goods, liberalises services trade, and facilitates mutual recognition of professional qualifications. The agreement is one of the first post-Brexit bilateral deals negotiated by the UK and is intended to deepen a trade relationship that, while historically modest, is supported by dense financial and investment ties.

GDP per capita, USD · 1960–2024 actual · 2024–2027 IMF estimate (dashed)
$0$17.1k$34.2k$51.3k$68.4k1960198020002020$52.9k$65.1kUnited KingdomAustralia
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